Saturday, December 22, 2012

The Downside of Rating Systems In Political Fact Checking

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In his farewell message to fans of political fact checking, departing FactCheck.org director Brooks Jackson reflects on the growth of the fact checking industry, the merits of fact checking, criticisms of fact checkers, and various legitimate pitfalls made by various fact-checking sites. Among the pitfalls he discussed, the one that most caught my eye dealt with the ratings systems fact checkers use so often:
Rating statements with devices such as “truth-o-meters” or “Pinocchios” are popular with readers, and successful attention-grabbers. But such ratings are by their nature subjective — the difference between one or two “Pinocchios” is a matter of personal judgment, and debatable. Some statements are clearly true, and some provably false, but there’s no agreed method for determining the precise degree of mendacity in any statement that falls somewhere in between. Rating systems have also led to embarrassment. A senator who said a “majority” of Americans are conservative was rated “mostly true” (and later “half true”) even though the statement was false. The story cited a poll showing only 40 percent of Americans rated themselves conservative. That’s more than said they were moderate (35 percent) or liberal (21 percent) but still far from a majority. The senator had a point, but stated it incorrectly, thereby exaggerating. A simple “truth-o-meter” had no suitable category for that. Our approach would have been to say that it was false. But we would also note that the senator would have been correct to say Americans are more likely to call themselves conservative than moderate, or liberal, when given those three choices.
While I disagree that ratings systems are entirely subjective (most have specific rules for each category), I do agree that the organization of categories is not rigorous. There are obviously statements that do not easily fit into any given category. Furthermore, these rating systems can be a distraction, giving the reader an incentive to merely look at the rating and ignore the actual fact checking. Although I do understand not everyone has time to read an tire article over every claim that has been checked, simple summaries (such as the ones used by FactCheck.org) at least give the reader a basic idea as to what was right and/or wrong with the checked claim. I will admit ratings systems have doubtless contributed to the rising popularity of fact checking. But it isn't clear whether or not they actually do more harm than good.

In addition to discussing the pitfalls of fact checking, Jackson also made some very good points about the actual purpose of fact checking in political discourse:
"Complaining that fact-checkers failed to stop politicians from lying is like complaining that a firefighter failed to prevent an arsonist from starting a fire.
Furthermore, it seems to me that anyone who asks the very political operatives behind the 2012 falsehoods to rate our performance is pretty much interviewing the arsonists about the merits of the firefighters. We don’t write to impress politicians or their hirelings. We write to help the voters — and we don’t expect to get an invitation to dinners at the White House. We can’t stop politicians from trying to bamboozle voters. But we can make voters harder to fool."
Indeed there is an extremely important role for fact checkers to play in political discourse. And Jackson sums it up quite nicely. Scientific skepticism, which fact checkers apply to politics, has a role in nearly every aspect of life, including politics. In this spirit I thank Mr. Jackson for the quality work both he and his team have done over the past nine years. FactCheck.org is my favorite fact checking site and I wish him the best of luck in the future!

Tuesday, December 11, 2012

A Balanced Budget Ammendment Is A Terrible Idea

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Bobby Jindal attempts to make the case for a federal balanced budget amendment:
"A federal balanced budget amendment. States have balanced budget laws, small businesses have to balance their budgets, and families have to do the same. This is an idea that is supported by virtually every American who does not live in the 202 area code. It’s common sense. It is also laughed at in Washington. When you mention the BBA as a solution, they roll their eyes and write you off as a non-serious person. But the American public is dead serious about it, and they should be."
A federal balanced budget amendment is one of the most popular horrible ideas in political discourse today. You simply cannot compare personal budgets, business budgets, or even state budgets to national budgets in this way. People and businesses can balance their budgets because in doing so they don't also jeopardize their incomes (unlike the government, as can be seen very clearly from the austerity crisis/fiscal cliff). State governments can balance their budgets because they can always count on the federal government to both make up the shortfall. Calling a balanced budget "common sense" shows just how ridiculous the idea of "common sense" can be when applied to counter intuitive fields like this. Americans who are calling for a balanced budget do not truly understand what they are doing. This is evidenced by the fact that so many Americans are so completely ignorant of what is actually in the federal budget. This leaves conservative pundit David Frum to ponder a hypothetical question:
"It would be wonderful to hear Gov. Jindal identify the specific cuts he would have made during the nadir of the recession, when revenues as a share of GDP were around 15%, the lowest since the Second World War. At that point, cutting PBS and foreign aid won't get you to 15%. At 15%, you have to slash entitlements (can't do that!) and the Department of Defense (good luck getting southern senators on board with that!)."
Frum also notes that conservatives can still be conservative without going to such absurd lengths:
"Yes, Washington is too bloated. Yes, Washington is trying to do too many things it should leave to private citizens and state governments. Yes, Washington should be aiming to leave the federal government's share of GDP near the historical norm of 18-20 percent. And yes, I too am concerned by Ezra Klein's warning that 18 percent won't be able to pay for our existing and future obligations. We have to address these problems, and as conservatives, we must work to restrain the federal government from consuming an ever larger share of the gross domestic product.
But you don't win elections by promising to cut benefits, retard growth, and paralyze government when it is needed most -- during the depths of recessions. That's a terrible electoral strategy, but it's also horrible leadership from a party elite. Gov. Jindal can unload all the populist rhetoric he'd like, but he's as elite as anyone in Washington, DC, and that role comes with obligations."
No doubt the left has quite a few bad ideas as well. But that does not excuse the right from avoiding the most important responsibilities expected of an elected politician:
"Endorsing a balanced budget amendment, laughing off the uncertainty of messing with the debt ceiling, and deriding efforts to keep our nation functioning is an abdication of those responsibilities. I hope we see better in the future from Gov. Jindal."


Monday, November 5, 2012

Punditfulls of Predictions!



My Election Prediction 2012 (270toWin)

During the primaries, I remember telling a friend of mine that if Romney was nominated, this election would look a lot like 2004.Turns out the similarities are striking. However, one of the most comical similarities is the denialism. In 2004, we had sites like the Donkey Rising Blog trying to explain away Bush's favorable numbers in the polls. Today we have sites like UnSkewed Polls doing the same thing to Obama's poll numbers, sometimes even projecting Romney will win in a near-landslide! However, the methods used to come up with these numbers are deeply flawed. But that hasn't stopped a number of pundits from giving similarly absurd projections:
Every one of these pundits is predicting a highly unlikely result. Other than Jim Cramer, each one predicts Romney picking up over 300 Electoral votes, meaning Obama would pick up at most 238 electoral votes. According to the RCP averages, this means the polls would have to be off by up to 4 points in some states! In the FiveThirtyEight model, such a thing would be historically unprecedented to an incredible degree! However, unlike Cramer's prediction, the FiveThirtyEight model at least holds this as a possibility, albeit an incredibly small one. One has to wonder why so many pundits are risking their credibility with such unbelievably unlikely predictions. Of course, one would also have to underestimate the level of cognitive dissonance some of these pundits have, as well as their fans.

I have to confess. Over the last couple of months, I have grown an unhealthy obsession with the polls. I have made trips to RealClearPolitics, Pollster, and FiveThirtyEight a regular habit. When I wake up in the morning to take the puppy out, I check the Rand Corporation's Daily Poll. Throughout the day, I check RCP for updates to the Rasmussen poll, the Gallup Poll, Investor's Business Daily, and ABC/Washington Post, as well as up to date averages of the state polls. I also make regular trips to Pollster to check on polls RCP doesn't factor in. I understand that you cannot cherry pick polls, that you have to account for house effects, and that you have to look at both the the national and state polls to get a clear picture of the race. As a result, I have mostly taken a break from blogging, preferring to post whatever thoughts I may have on Facebook rather than this blog, likely to the utter annoyance of all my friends. So before the election concludes tomorrow (hopefully), I thought I would put my own projection on the table (on the top of this page). Some explanations:
  • Pennsylvania and Michigan: Despite Romney's recent play on Pennsylvania, the chances of him winning the state are extremely low: FiveThirtyEight gives Obama a 99% chance of taking the state. Other than the extremely right-leaning Susquehanna Poll, the most Romney-favorable polls still give Obama a comfortable 3 point lead. As Nate Silver has explained, this state is also incredibly inelastic, meaning there are rarely very many voters who will wait til the last minute to make a choice.  In Michigan, the only poll giving Romney any chance is the Baydoun/Foster poll. Although this poll is classified as a Democratic pollster, its numbers in Michigan have been extremely favorable to Romney, meaning it has a larger than normal house effect. Nate Silver gives Obama a 100% chance of winning the state and Romney has not seriously contested it.
  • Nevada: Although RCP only gives Obama a 2.8 percent lead here, Nevada polls have consistently underrated Democrats for the elections in 2008 and 2010, by large margins. Given the issues among pollsters with the Latino vote, as well as Harry Reid's superior ground game in the state, I doubt 2012 will be any different. Nate Silver also has Obama at a 94% chance of winning Nevada.
  • Wisconsin and Ohio: Both of these states show small but persistent Obama leads. And neither state show any poll with a  Romney lead. RCP has Obama up 2.9 points in Ohio and 4.2 points in Wisconsin. The distribution in Ohio has been very tight, despite the large number of polls conducted in the state. Wisconsin's distribution has been less so but it has also shown better numbers for Obama in its more Obama-favorable polls. However, both the polls showing strong Obama leads have been incredibly volatile over the course of this campaign. Nonetheless, Nate Silver gives Obama a 92% chance of carrying Ohio and a 97% chance of carrying Wisconsin. 
  • Iowa and New Hampshire: Both of these states have had very sporadic polling. But Obama is still favored in both. RCP has Obama up 2.4 points in Iowa and 2.0 points in New Hampshire. In addition, only two polls give Romney a lead in Iowa and none give him a lead in New Hampshire. The two polls that give Romney a lead in Iowa tend to have very Romney-favorable results, and their leads are only a point. At least one Romney-favorable poll also gives Obama a 4 point lead in Iowa. In addition, Iowa's only local poll gives Obama one of his best leads. The situation is similar in New Hampshire. Nate silver gives Obama a 86% chance of winning Iowa and an 86% chance of winning New Hampshire.
  • Virginia and Colorado: Both of these states appear to be toss-ups, although Nate Silver marked them both as "Likely Obama" today. According to RCP, Obama has a 0.3% lead in Virginia and a 1.5% lead in Colorado. However, there are still a few polls giving Romney slight leads in each state. Although early voting in Colorado seems to be favoring Mitt Romney, Democrats have been closing the gap (we should see the final results of early voting tomorrow morning). Some polls that have asked about early voting show that Obama is expected to do better on election day than he has in early voting. Others show he is expected to do worse but may get better results tomorrow morning. But this may not matter. In 2008, Obama barely edged out McCain in early voting, yet still won the state by 8.6 percentage points, meaning historically the early voting trend may not be unprecedented in Colorado given that Obama will likely not win by 8.6 percentage points anyway. For the purposes of my projection, I predict Obama will carry Colorado, mainly because of the polls. Virginia is very close nationally, and it is hard to come by good early voting statistics for the state. Their only local poll has also been extremely volatile. Given Nate Silver's projection, as well as the RCP average, I give Obama the slight edge in the state. Update 11/6/12: Wow, I cannot believe I didn't notice this until now. I fell for the fallacy of equating registration advantage with candidate advantage in Colorado. I took a look at whatever polls I could and noticed that Democrats do not have the identity advantage in Colorado that they do in other states. It appears as though, although Democrats and Republicans seem tied in terms of party identity, Republicans hold a 2-3 point registration advantage over Democrats in these polls, suggesting Obama is leading big with both registered and identified Independents. Indeed PPP's cross-tabs suggest as much. As a result, it is entirely possible, even likely, that Obama is still winning the early vote in Colorado, even though registered Republicans are ahead.
  • Florida: On the surface, this state appears to be even more of a toss-up than other states. RCP has  Romney up 1.5 points, but FiveThirtyEight has Obama up 0.2 percentage points. In addition, this is a state where the inaccuracies in polling the Latino vote should make the final outcome more Obama-favorable than the polls suggest. However, the local polls are Romney's strongest polls, and local polls should be given more weight. As a result, I would buck the FiveThirtyEight model (just barely) and give Florida to Romney.
  • North Carolina: RCP gives Romney a 3.0 point lead in this state and Nate Silver gives Romney a 72% chance of winning the state. Obama does have a significant lead in early voting, but the polls for North Carolina reflect the polls of Ohio, but in Romney's favor. Given the razor thin margin Obama won this state by in 2008, I seriously doubt Obama will win this state again in 2012.
Notice I rarely mentioned ground games. It is extremely hard to predict what kind of an effect a strong ground game will have on the election. Nevada is the obvious exception

So my final electoral vote prediction is Obama at 303 electoral votes and Romney at 235 electoral votes. I would expect the election to swing anywhere from Obama winning 281-257 to Obama winning 332-206. So let's see what happens!

Note: for early voting results, see here.

Thursday, November 1, 2012

Busting The Romney Fauxmentum Myths

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Those crazy polls are lying to us! At least that's what many pundits would have you believe. The polls tell that at the national level, the race is statistically tied (RCP Obama+0.1, Pollster Romney +0.1, TPM Obama +1.4. Yet state polls suggest a slight but persistent Obama lead. Serious election forecasters all predict an Obama win, although with slightly different levels of uncertainty. But for many pundits, their gut tells them something else. For many of them, Obama is such a terrible president they just cannot fathom the idea that not only is Romney not projected to beat Obama in a landslide, he isn't even projected to win at all! Yet they feel as though Romney has had some kind of momentum coming out of the Denver debate, meaning he should be poised to win. To them, there must be something wrong with both the forecasters and the polls. However, in the last few days HuffPost pollster has done an exceptional job busting a few of the more common myths coming from these pundits:

Myth: Polls are oversampling Democrats, making it look as though Obama is doing better than he really is.

I touched a bit on this claim back in September when it seemed as if pollsters and forecasters left it largely untouched. Since then, we have seen a few tackle this issue. However, it seems to persist even today, along with the observation that those polls which are "oversampling" Democrats also show Romney winning the Independent vote, often by large margins. Nowadays the focus on Ohio, which is no surprise given that it is the state most likely to decide the election. Now it is true there are polls giving Democrats up to an 8 point lead in Ohio. And it is true many of those same polls also show Romney winning the independent vote by large margins. And it is likely going to be the case that exit polls won't show Democrats with an 8 point lead among party identity either. In my last post, I pointed this out, but did not speculate as to why this is the case, and why we should still expect Obama to win by the same margins the polls predict. However, I suspected Romney's popularity among Independents was actually related, suggesting that Romney supporters were more often identifying as Independents than Obama supporters, boosting Romney's support among Independents as well as the Democrat party identification advantage. Today, Pollster blogger Nick Gourevitch confirmed this suspicion:
...in recent Ohio polling, Romney's lead with Independents is inversely correlated with Democratic party identification advantage.
What does this mean? It means that polls with larger Democratic party identification advantages are showing bigger leads for Romney with Independents. And vice versa. The following chart is a slight adjustment of a chart posted by @numbersmuncher last week showing party identification spreads vs. the vote among Independents in recent Ohio polls where this data is published. The chart below is sorted by Democratic party identification advantage -- so the polls with the greatest Democratic margins are up top and the polls with the lowest margins are at the bottom:

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A quick glance at the chart above clearly shows this inverse correlation. Romney's biggest leads with Independents (except the one Suffolk poll) all come in polls where the Democratic party identification is largest. And the math backs up what the eye sees -- the correlation coefficient between the Independent vote and the party identification advantage is -0.61. While the correlation is by no means perfect (there are many other variables that impact these numbers), the trend clearly exists. (emphasis mine)
This shouldn't be too hard to understand. The first thing you should note is that there doesn't seem to be practically any correlation between Obama's lead and party ID advantages (with the exception of one Rasmussen Poll, which can be better explained by other factors). This suggests that the proportion of Romney and Obama supporters remains approximately the same throughout each poll, despite party ID advantages. Some polls such as CNN, U of Cincinnati, and Rasmussen are more likely to show Romney supporters identifying as Republicans and/or Obama supporters identifying as Independents than ARG, Time, or CBS/Quinnipac, which show approximately the opposite. As a result, the apparent Democratic ID advantage, as well as the Romney advantage among Independents, can best be explained by how a poll determines party identification. Remember that there is a substantial difference between party registration and party identification. It may also be interesting to note that the Republican-leaning Rasmussen poll gives Obama some of his best numbers with Independents.Yet why do these polls show such different results for party ID? Nick Gourevitch explains:
This can happen for a number of reasons. Pollsters use different questions and methodologies. Live interview polls and automated polls produce different party identification distributions (ones that are also different from in-person Election Day exit polls). Pollsters ask party identification in different ways. Some use three-point scales, others five-point scales and others seven-point scales. Some push "leaners" and some don't. Question ordering also matters - especially for pollsters who put party identification at the end of their survey. If you have a survey with a bunch of questions on social issues, it might cause more people to identify as Democrats in a socially liberal state, but might cause more people to identify as Republicans in a more socially conservative state.
However, why is it that most of these polls show Democrat party identification so much higher than Republican party identification? Pollster Thomas M. Holbrook finds something that should give us a clue:
"One way of assessing the relative value of party for each of the candidates is by looking at rates of party affiliation in the electorate... These data show that the Democrats have held an affiliation advantage throughout the 2012 campaign, one that has ebbed and flowed a little bit and now stands at approximately six percentage points.
...
throughout this campaign period the Democratic Party has been viewed more positively than the Republican Party. In fact, there is not a single poll in this series in which the Republican party registered a net positive rating, and not a single case in which the net Republican rating was higher than the net Democrat rating. The average net rating for the Republican Party in this series is -13, whereas the average for the Democratic Party is +.3." (emphasis mine)
This could explain why Romney supporters are more likely to identify as Independents this election. No doubt many of these self-described Independents identified as Republicans back during the 2010 elections. Yet throughout 2011, Republican party favorability dropped drastically, recovering some but not all in 2012. At the end of 2010, Republicans held a net favorability rating of -2.4. Today that number has fallen to -8.3. Democrats on the other hand, have seen very little change since the end of 2010. Democrats held a net favorability of ~1.4 points (can't see exactly). Today that number has slipped barely to -1.5, barely even statistically significant, and about half the drop seen by Republicans.

Update 11/5/12: I just found this article essentially confirming this suspicion. Actually most polls seem to indicate there are fewer voters identifying as Democrats now than in the 2008 exit polls, instead shifting to Independents. However, the drop is much larger with Republicans. This means that more Republicans than Democrats have shifted to thinking of themselves as Independents, causing Independents as a whole to be more conservative and Democrats to have a large identity advantage. 

All of this should show how wrongheaded attempts to "unskew" polls really are. Unless independents are adjusted along with party ID, you actually end up oversampling Romney supporters!

Myth: Undecideds will break toward Romney because he is the challenger.


While it is true that Obama's lead nationally and in state's like Ohio aren't large enough to put Obama's numbers over 50%, the "Incumbent Rule," which states that undecideds generally break towards the challenger, may be less of a factor than some would have you believe. Pollster blogger Mark Blumenthal explains:
"When The New York Times' Nate Silver examined polls from 1998 to 2009, he found no evidence that "the majority of the undecided vote broke against the incumbents." His advice: "Focus on the margin between the candidates, just as you might instinctively do."
In addition, he found little evidence this year will be an exception. This weekend, we will see the release of Pew's final survey report, which should shed more light on this question.

I will continue to update this posts as new information arrives... 

Wednesday, September 19, 2012

Are Election Polls Oversampling Democrats? Not Really.


As of right now, Obama leads Romney by 2.9 points nationally, according to RealClearPolitics. And his lead among swing states is even higher. Thanks to Fox News and NBC/WSJ/Marist, Obama leads by 4.8 points in Ohio, possibly the most important swing state in the election. His lead is also at 4.7 points in Virginia, and 2.0 points in Florida. Thanks to polling like this, Intrade has Obama's chances of winning at 67.4%.

However, some Republicans are skeptical of this lead, arguing these polls tend to oversample Democrats in order to make it look as though Obama's lead is actually much smaller than it appears. Attempts to "unskew" these polls have resulted in Romney leads of 9%! So it is a legitimate question to ask, have these polls been oversampling Democrats in order to make Obama look stronger than Romney, perhaps in order to create some kind of self-fulfilled prophecy?

No doubt conservative "skeptics" of the mainstream media would be quick to answer with a resounding "YES!" Could you have any more proof of a liberal media bias? Of course, the truly skeptical mind would probably see a few red flags first.

Starting in 1992, EVERY Pew poll appears to lean to one direction — always towards the Democrat, and by an average of more than 5 percentage points. Worse this is a reflection of the “final” poll which even the Democratic firm, Public Policy Polling, usually gets right." (emphasis not mine)
After listing the final polls for Pew for the 1988-2008 presidential elections, the Number-Cruncher wonders why Pew doesn't try to adjust their numbers? Actually, the answer to this is rather simple. The numbers he used were for Registered Voters (RV), not Likely Voters (LV). In fact, LV models are actually used to better predict the outcome of an election since not all registered voters actually vote. Nate Silver at FiveThirtyEight points out that, when choosing between polls of LVs verses RVs, always go with the former. This may not necessarily be the case early on, before the conventions. But it is definitely the case now. As a result, out of the 7 polls included in the RCP average, 6 are LV polls.  In fact, if we are to look at Pew's results for their final LV polls, they actually are quite accurate:
  • 2008 error: D-1 (Republican numbers were accurate but Democrat numbers off by 1)
  • 2004 error: 0
  • 2000 error: R+2
  • 1996 error: D+6
Other than 1996, their recent track record has been very good, with only small errors of 0-2 points favoring Republicans. 

In fact, many of the most heavily criticized polls do extremely well at predicting the vote. This prompts the obvious question: so why are people saying there is a problem?

Despite the fact that many of these critiques point to RV polls, LV polls often show a stronger Democrat presence than Republican:
 Note: I did not Include Rasmussen because I do not have access to their numbers

In recent elections, party turnout has swung from a tie between Democrats and Republicans in 2004 and 2010, to a 7 point lead for Democrats in 2008, which was an unprecedented year for Democrat voter turnout. So it may be a stretch to assume Democrats will turnout in numbers like the Pew poll suggests.

So why is this the case? Some conservatives have speculated pollsters may be oversampling to try and replicate the unusual 2008 voter turnout among Democrats.  However Emily Perkins of reason.com finds there is little support for this theory:
It is hard to say whether pollsters are in fact relying too heavily on 2008 partisan turnout, because it is extraordinarily difficult to track down how these pollsters define likely voters.
According to Chris Jackson at Ipsos-Reuters, “most research organizations use a combination of prior voting behavior, interest in the election and self-report likelihood to vote to categorize likely voters. ...Some pollsters also use ‘voter lists’ or commercial lists of people who voted in the last election instead of screening these individuals from the population.”
Rasmussen gives a vague explanation here, “The questions involve voting history, interest in the current campaign, and likely voting intentions. Rasmussen Reports determines its partisan weighting targets through a dynamic weighting system that takes into account the state’s voting history, national trends, and recent polling in a particular state or geographic area.”
ABC News explains, they “develop a range of ‘likely voter’ models, employing elements such as self-reported voter registration, intention to vote, attention to the race, past voting, age, respondents’ knowledge of their polling places, and political party identification.”
As Huffington Post’s Mark Blumenthal reports, “CNN has published no explanation of how they select likely voters.” (emphasis mine)

In addition, there is little reason for polls to adjust their samples to fit 2008 at all. Pew explains:
"While all of our surveys are statistically adjusted to represent the proper proportion of Americans in different regions of the country; younger and older Americans; whites, African Americans and Hispanics; and even the correct share of adults who rely on cell phones as opposed to landline phones, these are all known, and relatively stable, characteristics of the population that can be verified off of U.S. Census Bureau data or other high quality government data sources."
"Party identification is another thing entirely. Most fundamentally, it is an attitude, not a demographic. To put it simply, party identification is one of the aspects of public opinion that our surveys are trying to measure, not something that we know ahead of time like the share of adults who are African American, female, or who live in the South"
...
In effect, standardizing, smoothing, or otherwise tinkering with the balance of party identification in a survey is tantamount to saying we know how well each candidate is doing before the survey is conducted."
In other words, while pollsters may adjust party identification in LV models to reflect the fact that not all registered voters actually vote, there is little they may do to adjust party turnout for surveys in general (RV, All), other than assign weights due to census factors. Since the appearance of Democrat oversampling is stronger in other surveys than LVs, there is little reason to think the LV adjustments would be responsible for the appearance of Democrat oversampling. This means that the appearance of Democrat oversampling may only exist because more voters actually consider themselves Democrats at the time the polls are conducted.

Now it is highly unlikely we will have the same composition of voters once election time comes around. However this is not all that much of a problem since party identification, unlike registration, changes during the election season. Pew explains:
"Particularly in an election cycle, the balance of party identification in surveys will ebb and flow with candidate fortunes, as it should, since the candidates themselves are the defining figureheads of those partisan labels."
This "ebb and flow" can be drastic. Rasmussen measured party identification in July 2012 with a 1 point advantage for Republicans and again in August 2012 with a 4 point advantage for Republicans. Gallup saw an even larger bounce from Nov 7-9 2008, where Democrats outnumbered Republicans by 5 points, to Nov 13-16 2008, where Democrats outnumbered Republicans by 13 points. That is an 8 point change in a few weeks! From Aug 20-22 2012, Gallup measured a 3 point lead for Democrats. A few weeks later, from Sep 6-9, that lead extended to 8 points. So there is even less reason to try and adjust polling since it will adjust itself if necessary anyway. Pollsters that do try and adjust based on party identification risk skewing the results to show a situation not reflective of the country as a whole.

So we are left with one more question: Why do the results of party identification differ so much between polls? Other than sampling error, this can be explained by differences in methodology. Nate Silver explains one such difference:
"Although there are exceptions on either side, like the Gallup national tracking poll, for the most part Mr. Obama seems to be getting stronger results in polls that use live interviewers and that include cellphones in their samples — enough to suggest that he has a clear advantage in the race.
In the polls that use an automated dialing method (“robopolls”) or which exclude cellphones, Mr. Obama’s bounce has been much harder to discern, and the race looks considerably closer."
And there is good reason why this is the case:
"These results are consistent with some past research. Roughly one third of American households rely solely on mobile phones and do not have landlines, meaning they will simply be excluded by polls that call landlines only. Potential voters who rely on cellphones belong to more Democratic-leaning demographic groups than those which don’t, and there is reasonably strong empirical evidence that the failure to include them in polls can bias the results against Democrats, even after demographic weightings are applied."
PEW has confirmed this trend in the past. And Nate Silver has confirmed this is the case for the 2012 election as well:




Since Rasmussen uses only landlines, and others like Fox News, NBC, WSJ, and Quinnipac use a mixture of landlines and cellphones, it is easy to see why Rasmussen tends to poll a larger sample of Republicans than Democrats, and thus also tends to poll to the right of other polls as well. This effect has become more pronounced over the last few years, leading to a decline in Rasmussen's ability to predict election results.

So, to answer the question originally posed in this article, any appearance of party oversampling is likely caused by one party being better represented in the population at a given time than another. And since these polls look at party identification, not registration,  we should expect this to change over time, meaning we don't necessarily expect to see the exact same party identification distribution on election day. However, poor sampling methodology that may bias one party over another, such as ignoring cellphones when sampling, is likely a better explanation for the appearance of bias in one poll or another.


Thursday, September 6, 2012

Why Are The Washington Post Wonkbloggers Repeating A Romney Campaign Falsehood About Medicare?


The Washington Post’s WONKBLOG has been repeating the Romney Campaign's falsehood about Obamacare and Medicare. From their fact check of Bill Clinton's 2012 DNC Speech:
FALSE: [Clinton:]“Both Governor Romney and Congressman Ryan attacked the president for allegedly robbing Medicare of $716 billion. That’s the same attack they leveled against the Congress in 2010, and they got a lot of votes on it. But it’s not true.”
The Affordable Care Act did indeed cut Medicare spending by $716 billion, as the Congressional Budget Office wrote in a July 24 report. It does that by reducing payments to Medicare hospitals and doctors, essentially ratcheting down the amount they receive when they see a patient.
...these Medicare cuts do indeed exist.
However, all three major fact checkers have come to pretty much the opposite conclusion:
In my post on Ryan’s Medicare claim, I explained why this is the case using the findings of both FactCheck and The Washington Post Fact Checker (PolitiFact did an exceptionally poor job explaining the problem):

"Medicare payroll taxes go to pay for Medicare Part A. What revenue is left over goes into the Medicare Hospital Insurance trust fund. And that fund goes to finance shortfalls in Medicare Part A. As of late, there is not enough revenue coming from payroll taxes to cover hospital insurance for medicare beneficiaries. As a result, the trust fund is being drained and will eventually be empty, meaning Medicare Part A will become insolvent. To help mitigate the problem, the Affordable Coverage Act slows the amount of money coming out of the trust fund via reduced payments to hospitals. Obama can get away with those reduced payments to hospitals largely without causing them to drop out of the program because of a deal he stuck with hospitals, promising new patients through the ACA, more than making up for the lost revenue. This saved money stays in the trust fund (although it can be loaned out, more on that later). It does not go to cover the uninsured not currently in Medicare. In addition, Obama increases the revenue coming into the trust fund via a 0.9 percent tax "on earnings above $200,000 for single taxpayers or $250,000 for married couples."

The savings from Medicare that actually go into Obamacare come from Medicare Parts B, C, and D, and only from funds that come from congress (income taxes, corporate taxes, etc...) to cover outlays. This accounts for approximately 2/3 of $716 Billion in slowed medicare growth. Obama decreases the growth of money congress spends on Medicare from general revenue using the Independent Payment Advisory Board, which is incredibly limited in what it can target."
...a bill can both reduce the deficit and not be "paid for." This is because some of the revenue that comes in goes "into savings" instead of being used to pay the bills. And just like a bank uses savings accounts to make loans, so too can this Medicare money "in savings" be loaned out to pay for other programs. FactCheck explains:
"What happens in government accounting is that after Treasury issues a bond that it will have to pay later, it can spend the money it received on other things. And it often does, whether that’s coverage expansion, as called for in the health care law, or any number of things. The Romney spokesman said it was “a shell game.”"
But that doesn’t mean that the Medicare trust fund will be slashed or its “piggy bank” “robbed” or “raided,” or any other claim we’d put firmly in the category of “senior scare.” (emphasis mine)
Romney does have a point in essentially calling this an accounting trick. And he could spend time making that claim instead of a demonstrably false one. You can argue over whether or not the CBO was therefore wrong to say the ACA cuts the deficit. But you cannot say payroll taxes are going toward the ACA anymore than you can say your personal savings in the bank are going toward someone else's loan. Just like those savings are still legally yours, so are the trust funds still legally Medicare's. Any money that is borrowed from the fund has to be paid back.

I am not quite sure why the Wonkbloggers are doing this. And I can find no explanation as to why they keep coming to the exact opposite conclusion as these major independent fact checkers, including the Washington Post’s own Glenn Kessler. Could It be the double counting? Romney could certainly say Obamacare isn’t paid for, or that it adds to the debt (but not deficit). However, as Glenn Kessler has noted, that would open Republicans (including his own VP Pick) to criticisms of hypocrisy since those claims can be leveled at nearly any deficit reduction plan, including many of the GOP's own.

Sunday, August 26, 2012

No Paul Ryan, Payroll Taxes Are NOT Going Towards ObamaCare

Paul Ryan has been LYING about Obamacare and payroll taxes.


Paul Ryan Republican vice presidential candidate U.S. Rep. Paul Ryan (R-WI) speaks at a campaign event at Miami University on August 15, 2012 in Oxford, Ohio.  Ryan is campaigning in the battleground state of Ohio after being named as the vice presidental candidate last week by Republican presidential hopeful Mitt Romney.

During a campaign stop at Miami University in Ohio, Paul Ryan made the claim that payroll taxes will now be used to fund the Affordable Care Act:
"Ryan slightly reframed the attack by arguing that Obamacare is effectively taking hundreds of billions from payroll taxes. “Take a look at your paycheck next time. Look at that line on your paycheck that [reads] payroll taxes," Ryan said. "You see our payroll taxes from our paychecks are supposed to go to two programs--Social Security and Medicare period. Now because of Obamacare they’re also going to pay for Obamacare." The crowd booed." (emphasis mine)
One problem with this: It is completely false. And the Romney campaign knows it.

Earlier this week, FactCheck.org released probably the best article on Mediscare claims since they began resurfacing after the Ryan VP pick. This article is an absolute must read for anyone wanting to understand how Medicare works, as well as what Romney, Ryan, and Obama each plan to do about Medicare's fiscal problems. The article begins with explaining the troubles Medicare faces down the road, mainly focusing on insolvency (which is different from bankruptcy). The article then summarizes the history of Medicare, as well as the different "Parts" of Medicare (A,B,C, and D). Understanding this is crucial for understanding the Ryan, Romney, and Obama Medicare plans (Obama has already passed his plan as part of the ACA). Here is a basic summary of what each Part of Medicare covers:
  • Medicare Part A: Hospital insurance
  • Medicare Part B: Insurance for doctor visits
  • Medicare Part C (Medicare Advnatage): Combines both Part A and B but uses a private insurer.
  • Medicare Part D: Prescription Drugs
The article also debunks the claims from both the Obama and Romney campaigns about how each candidate plans to cut benefits and push the cost of healthcare further onto seniors. I will not spend any time in this post talking about whether or not either campaign's arguments hold water (See my previous post and Roundup from last week for that). This post will be dedicated to understanding why Paul Ryan is lying about payroll taxes going to fund the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare, PPACA, ACA).

One area where FactCheck's article falls a bit short is on explaining why Paul Ryan's claim mentioned above is wrong. The article is a bit vague and inconclusive. However, a campaign speech by Paul Ryan finally motivated FactCheck to get more detailed and help explain specifically why Paul Ryan's claim is wrong (the article also debunks Medicare bankruptcy claims). This article is another absolute must read. I will summarize and expand here:

Medicare payroll taxes go to pay for Medicare Part A. What revenue is left over goes into the Medicare Hospital Insurance trust fund. And that fund goes to finance shortfalls in Medicare Part A. As of late, there is not enough revenue coming from payroll taxes to cover hospital insurance for medicare beneficiaries. As a result, the trust fund is being drained and will eventually be empty, meaning Medicare Part A will become insolvent. To help mitigate the problem, the Affordable Coverage Act slows the amount of money coming out of the trust fund via reduced payments to hospitals. Obama can get away with those reduced payments to hospitals largely without causing them to drop out of the program because of a deal he stuck with hospitals, promising new patients through the ACA, more than making up for the lost revenue. This saved money stays in the trust fund (although it can be loaned out, more on that later).3 It does not go to cover the uninsured not currently in Medicare. In addition, Obama increases the revenue coming into the trust fund via a 0.9 percent tax "on earnings above $200,000 for single taxpayers or $250,000 for married couples."

The savings from Medicare that actually go into Obamacare come from Medicare Parts B, C, and D, and only from funds that come from congress (income taxes, corporate taxes, etc...) to cover outlays. This accounts for approximately 2/3 of $716 Billion in slowed medicare growth. Obama decreases the growth of money congress spends on Medicare from general revenue using the Independent Payment Advisory Board, which is incredibly limited1 in what it can target.

So it should be pretty clear Paul Ryan's claim is false. But remember I accused Ryan of more than just telling him a falsehood. I accused him of lying, meaning he knew what he was saying was false. What is my evidence? Besides Ryan's work on the medicare program (meaning he should know this Medicare 101 knowledge) and acceptance of Obama's ACA Medicare savings (he should know what he is accepting), when FactCheck asked Romney's campaign about their claims, the campaign responded this way:
"When we asked the campaign how it could argue that Obama’s spending reductions didn’t extend the life of the trust fund, a spokesman replied that it didn’t extend the fund “unless the administration is ready to admit their law blows a huge hole in our deficit.”"
So essentially they are accusing Obama of double counting the savings from hospital insurance. If that money has to be put into the trust fund, it can't also cover the non-Medicare related Obamacare expenses. Fact Check explains (from their original article):
"The fact is that CBO and the guardians of the hospital trust fund say Obama’s health care law does both extend the life of the trust fund and reduce the deficit, but can’t be also counted as paying for the law’s added spending."
This may sound a bit confusing. It essentially comes from the fact that a bill can both reduce the deficit and not be "paid for." This is because some of the revenue that comes in goes "into savings" instead of being used to pay the bills. And just like a bank uses savings accounts to make loans, so too can this Medicare money "in savings" be loaned out to pay for other programs.2 FactCheck explains:
"What happens in government accounting is that after Treasury issues a bond that it will have to pay later, it can spend the money it received on other things. And it often does, whether that’s coverage expansion, as called for in the health care law, or any number of things. The Romney spokesman said it was “a shell game.”"
But that doesn’t mean that the Medicare trust fund will be slashed or its “piggy bank” “robbed” or “raided,” or any other claim we’d put firmly in the category of “senior scare.” (emphasis mine)
Romney does have a point in essentially calling this an accounting trick. And he could spend time making that claim instead of a demonstrably false one. You can argue over whether or not the CBO was therefore wrong to say the ACA cuts the deficit (see Update 8/28/12). But you cannot say payroll taxes are going toward the ACA anymore than you can say your personal savings in the bank are going toward someone else's loan. Just like those savings are still legally yours, so are the trust funds still legally Medicare's. Any money that is borrowed from the fund has to be paid back. The Romney campaign knows this and it is reasonable to assume Ryan does as well. So he knows payroll taxes will not fund the ACA, yet he still makes that claim. It is a lie.

1 Most of what the IPAB targets is the extra money paid into Medicare Advantage (Part C,except for hospital insurance), making costs from the expensive program fall into line with traditional Medicare. You can argue this will indirectly affect benefits, but the program is forbidden from directly cutting benefits. Romney and Ryan, on the other hand, give congress practically unlimited power to save money however they desire, including through benefits (and we all trust congress, don't we). As Ezra Klein and others have repeatedly noted, ObamaCare and Ryan's plan call for approximately the same-sized reductions in future medicare growth. The difference is in how it is implemented. Without a doubt though, Romney's plan to avoid the $716 in slowed growth is the worst. It will actually hasten insolvency.


Update 8/28/12:

For the last few weeks, the Washington Post Fact Checker has been on vacation. So he as not been posting fact checks on this issue since the Ryan VP pick. Today he finally posted a response to readers' questions on Medicare Cuts, bankruptcy, and cost shifting. Overall, the post was not all that impressive compared to FactCheck's posts. However, he did link to an old article talking about the "double counting" issue mentioned above. This article is another absolute must read for anyone interested in this issue. It turns out double counting has been an acceptable practice for both parties for the last few decades. That's right, Republicans use this as well:
"When President Bill Clinton signed the Balanced Budget Act of 1997, then House Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.) was one of the speakers. “On Medicare, we came together and we saved the system for at least a decade,” he declared. How could he make this claim? Through the same double-counting that Republican now decry. The
Fact Checker especially frowns on hypocrisy, and Republicans should acknowledge that they have gladly played this game before, including under President George W. Bush." (emphasis mine)
However, playing the "you did it too" game is not a good excuse for doing something potentially harmful. But it does turn out this practice isn't really that bad, since it increases gross debt without increasing public debt. The Fact Checker explains:
"Some argue that the increase in the gross debt is evidence of double-counting but the CBO has said that focusing on the health care law’s impact on the gross debt is not very illuminating: “That measure of debt conveys little information about the federal government’s future financial burdens and has little economic meaning.” (emphasis mine)
This may explain why the Romney campaign has avoided this line of argument and instead chosen a demonstrably false line of argument. He would be open to criticisms that both parties do this and could put the reputation Reputation of congressional Republicans in 1997 in jeopardy. It is much easier to tell a simple lie.

Note: Just to head off a potential criticism, Ryan cannot say that he was talking about Medicare funds being loaned Obamacare when he said payroll taxes were being used to fund Obamacare. If he had meant it in this way, he would have to admit payroll taxes also fund national defense, congressional pay, the war on drugs, and most any program funded by congress through general revenue. However, his statement started by claiming that payroll taxes only fund Medicare and Social Security. So either way, he was lying.

2 I reworded this to make it clearer. It used to say "However, as with any "savings account", that money is available for other uses when it's not being spent"

3 I added the qualifier in parenthesis to make it clear that this money can still be loaned out, even if it still belongs to the trust fund. It has to be paid back.

The Roundup

Best Thing to Happen to The Internet Since Al Gore! ... Here is a cat singing the theme from Game of Thrones (Thanks to The Washington Post):

Yet another reason to subscribe to Ezra Klein's RSS...

Steven Novella: Nocebo Nonsense
"Chopra’s article was inspired by a New York Times article by researchers into nocebo effects. The researchers, however, make very different points from Chopra. They review the scientific evidence, which is pretty clear. People will report negative side effects even when taking placebos. If they are warned about a particular side effect, they are more likely to report that one. Again – there is no reason to think this is anything other than subjective reporting. Stress is the one factor that can cause real physiological consequences, and therefore illnesses that significantly respond to stress (like heart disease) can be affected by anxiety or hopefulness. This is not true, however, of most diseases." (emhpasis mine)
The Solyndra Standard
A MUST READ on the GOP's hypocrisy in the Solyndra case. Stephen Lacey puts the case in context:
"And here’s the really astonishing disconnect: While supporting tens of thousands of jobs, the loan guarantee program is expected to cost $2 billion less than Congress budgeted for, according to an analysis from Herb Allison, John McCain’s former National Finance Chairman.
Meanwhile, amidst the Solyndra saga, we casually accept a $300 million aircraft failure without batting an eye. No outrage. No sustained political campaign. It’s just another day testing our military toys.
Why? Because we don’t often see programs like this as a “failure” in the political arena. We would never use one failure as an excuse to abandon investment in new technologies. Most politicians accept losses in military R&D expenditures because the long-term gains are potentially so important for national defense and for eventually developing technologies for civilian use.
We should always strive to make programs as efficient and cost-effective as possible. But a few bankrupt clean energy companies representing a fraction of the program’s budgeted cost is no excuse for abandoning federal investments in clean energy — a strategically important sector that is becoming one of the largest drivers of business this century." (emphasis mine)

Will the Fed’s efforts to boost the economy only benefit the wealthiest?
Thanks to the inaction of congress, quantitative easing may be one of the last options to help stimulate the economy. It effectively lowers the value of debt using inflation, which could help tackle the crippling deleveraging that is keeping consumer demand down and slowing the recovery (particularly in the housing market). But there is a price. That price is increased income inequality.

Great hyperinflation episodes in history — and what they tell us about the Fed
A MUST READ:
A look at historical cases of hyperinflation point to why it is absurd to suggest it will happen in the US any time soon:
"none of the most severe instances of hyperinflation appear to be triggered by a central bank simply trying to inject money into a basically intact economy in order to reduce the unemployment rate." (emphasis mine)

Conservative Group Plans to Push Republicans Toward Action on Climate, Cleaner Energy
"Leading members of the Christian Coalition and the Young Republicans on Monday will launch nationwide the Young Conservatives for Energy Reform, a grassroots group aimed at engaging Republicans on the goals of cutting oil use, backing alternative energy and clean-air regulations, and fighting climate change."
Can these groups pull the GOP away from the propaganda of the fossil fuel industry?

The politics and philosophy of racism
Two points:
  1. Turns out racists aren't necessarily more likely to be republican than democrat. 
  2.  Libertarianism will not sure racism for essentially the same reason free markets work: individual cases of racism are "spontaneous orders—of phenomena that are the product of human action, but not of human design

http://i.imgur.com/Swf4k.png


2013 may be the year of Austerity. Isn't that what the GOP wanted so badly back in 2010?

Poll: Republicans Really Aren't Big Fans of Arabs or Muslims

Brutal Attack On Palestinian Met With Near-Universal Rebuke among Israelis

On the Progressive Consumption Tax and What it means for people like Romney.

Very good story about the debate over the minimum wage.

Quote of the Day: Early Voting a Bad Idea Because it Makes it Easier for Blacks to Vote

NPR debunks the myth of the "independent voter".